Showing posts with label norms. Show all posts
Showing posts with label norms. Show all posts

Monday, June 15, 2015

WAIS-IV US/Canadian norms controversy---articles for readers to review



I previously provided an FYI post on a hot topic in Canada...claims that the new WAIS-IV Canadian norms were flawed.  There are now three articles outlining the different arguments.  The three articles, published in JPA, can be found here, here, and here.

I continue to not comment on this controversy given my obvious conflict of interest as a coauthor of the competing WJ-IV.

Kevin McGrew

Wednesday, July 11, 2012

AP 101 Brief #14: Demographically adjusted neuropsych (Heaton) norm-based scores inappropriate for MR/ID Dx



Applied Psychometrics 101 Brief # 14:  Demographically adjusted neuropsychological (Heaton) norm-based scores are inappropriate for the diagnosis of MR/ID

Kevin S. McGrew, PhD.
Director

Dale G. Watson, PhD.
Berkeley, CA

Neuropsychological assessments are sometimes part of psychological evaluations in Atkins MR/ID death penalty cases.  These assessments include specialized tests, often in addition to an age-appropriate IQ battery, that are specifically designed to assess brain-behavior relations.  The neuropsychological-specific tests (NPST) are used to draw inferences about brain function/dysfunction and to provide functional implications of neuropsychological test data for a person’s real-world functioning.  NPST batteries, as well as all the individual tests included in NPST batteries, are not designed or validated to provide a reliable and valid estimate of a person’s general intelligence (of course, an exception is the portion of the battery that may include an individualized measure of general intelligence; e.g., WAIS-IV; WJ III; SB5).

Demographically Adjusted Test Norm Interpretation is Inappropriate in the Diagnosis of Atkins MR/ID in Capital Cases

A test interpretation feature used in some neuropsychological assessments is demographically adjusted norms.   The specialized NPST of memory, sensory-motor function, concept formation, etc. may be reported with these special demographically adjusted norms.  Also, demographically adjusted norms are sometimes applied to the individualized measure of general intelligence included as part of the NPST (see Lange et al., 2006).

The most well known demographically adjusted norms are the Heaton norms.   As described by a neuropsychologist in a recent Atkins cases, Heaton norms are “number crunching, age-corrected, you know, socioeconomic variable-corrected data,” and as generating “a comprehensive T-score age-, education, sex-corrected, actually race-corrected, also.”  In simple terms, the demographically-adjusted norms make equation-based statistical adjustments that allow certain NPST scores for an individual to be compared against other individuals of the same age and other demographic characteristics (e.g., gender, race, socio-economic status and level of education.   In the context of neuropsychological assessment to determine whether an individual’s functioning has decreased, such as after a brain injury or a stroke, demographically adjusted norms may help with the diagnosis of brain dysfunction and the identification of relative strength- and weakness-generated interventions. 

Siverberg and Millis (2009) have outlined the clear distinction between using neuropsychological measures to identify acquired deficits as opposed to developmental deficiencies. They note:

If the clinician is interested in whether a patient has declined from their premorbid status, contrasting their obtained raw scores with their expected premorbid scores (based on age, education, gender, ethnicity, and any other variables that add to their prediction) is most appropriate. This type of comparison quantifies impairment—how much examinees’ scores are lowered relative to their (estimated) preinjury/disease onset baseline. The degree of impairment is likely most predictive of the patient’s success in returning to (or continuing) work or other premorbidly engaged-in functional activities with extraordinary or idiosyncratic cognitive demands. If, in contrast, the clinician is interested in determining whether the patient’s cognitive abilities are sufficient for the demands of universal functional tasks (e.g., activities of daily living, driving a car, operating a cashier, etc.), comparing their raw [non-demographically adjusted] scores with general healthy adult population norms, generating “absolute” scores, is most appropriate (p. 98).


When used in the context of neuropsychological assessment, certain NPST scores are adjusted so an individual’s performance is compared not to the general population but only to others of the same age, gender, race and level of education.  Norm-referenced testing is at the heart of psychological assessment for the diagnosis of MR/ID (AAIDD, 2010).  The diagnosis of MR/ID requires comparison of a person’s scores against nationally representative norms, not a comparison to others of the same age, gender, race and level of education.  An analogous situation would be for a professional psychologist or lawyer whose intellectual functioning is in the top 2% of the population as a whole, and who therefore obtains an IQ of 130 when his/her score is compared to nationally representative norms.  If his/her score is instead compared only to those of a group of his/her peers with a similar level of education, he/she may fall only in the top 16% of that group and so his/her score would  be much lower, perhaps 115.

Demographically adjusted norm scores result in a sliding reference point that no longer represents a comparison to the general population, which is the only proper reference point in the diagnosis of MR/ID. The use of demographically adjusted norms is inappropriate if such adjusted scores are used to formulate and inform an opinion regarding level of general intellectual functioning for the diagnosis of MR/ID.

The technical adequacy and appropriate use of demographically adjusted NPST scores is not a settled professional consensus in the field of neuropsychological assessment.  A lack of consensus in the field is represented by the significantly differing opinions as articulated by Heaton et al. (1996), Lange, Chelune, Taylor, Woodward and Heaton (2006),  Russell (2005), Sattler (2001), Sherrill-Pattison, Donders, and Thompson (2000), Strauss, Sherman and Spreen (2006), Romero et al. (2009), Yantz, Gavett, Lynch and McCaffrey (2006). 

Particularly important is the professional consensus-based report produced by the 2008 Multicultural Problem Solving Summit (Byrd et al., 2010) of neuropsychologists that produced the document “Challenges in the Neuropsychological Assessment of Ethnic Minorities:  Summit Proceedings” (Romero et al., 2009).  This consensus report stated (emphasis added via underline):

Demographic adjustments to normative data are not validated for the use of predicting future academic or employment performance, and laws exist to prohibit the use of race-based norms in employment decisions (p. 767).

There was consensus among participants that the field would benefit from guidelines for neuropsychological practice among ethnic and racial minorities…The guidelines should include a specific focus on appropriate and inappropriate uses of demographic adjustments, as well as a discussion of the risks of overpathologizing groups or denying appropriate services, and details of limitations to the application of various normative standards (p. 767).

Additionally, a number of authoritative assessment texts used frequently in the graduate training of psychologists learning to conduct intellectual or neuropsychological assessments have highlighted the potential problems with demographically adjusted norm scores (emphasis added via underlining or bold font) .


Pluralistic norms[1] are norms derived for individual groups, such as Euro Americans, African Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and Native Americans…Pluralistic norms are potentially dangerous, however, because they (a) provide a basis for invidious comparisons among different ethnic groups, (b) may lower expectations of culturally and linguistically diverse children and reduce their level of aspiration to succeed, (c) may have little relevance outside of the child’s specific geographic area, and (d) furnish no information about the complex reasons why some ethnic groups tend to score lower than others on intelligence tests (p. 661).


There are two schools of thought regarding how closely matched the norms must be to the demographic characteristics of the individual being assessed, and these views are diametrically opposed. These are: (1) that norms should be as representative of the general population as possible, and (2) that norms should approximate, as closely as possible, the unique subgroup to which the individual belongs. (p. 47).

At times, it will be paramount to compare the individual to all other persons of the same age in the general population. Determining a diagnosis of mental retardation or learning disability would be one example (p. 47).

Of historical interest is the fact that neuropsychology’s recent shift toward demographically corrected scores based on race/ethnicity and other variables has occurred with surprisingly little fanfare or controversy despite ongoing debate in other domains of psychology. For example, when race-norming was applied to pre-employment screening in the United States to increase the number of minorities being chosen as job applicants, the result was the Civil Rights Act of 1991, which outlawed race-norming for applicant selection of referral (see Sackett & Wilk, 1994; Gottfredson, 1994; and Greenlaw & Jensen, 1996, for an interesting historical review of the ill-fated attempt at race-norming the GATB) (p. 50).

There is also evidence that when “corrective norms” are applied, some demographic influences remain, and overcorrection may occur, resulting in score distortion for some subgroups and a risk of increased false negatives (e.g., Fastenau, 1998) (p. 50).

Importantly, with regard to the WAIS-III/WMS-III, the Psychological Corporation explicitly states that demographically adjusted scores are not intended for use in psychoeducational assessment, determination of intellectual deficiency, vocational assessment, or any other context where the goal is to determine absolute functional level (IQ or memory) in comparison to the general population. Rather, demographically adjusted scores are best used for neurodiagnostic assessment in order to minimize the impact of confounding variables on the diagnosis of cognitive impairment. That is, they should be used to infer strengths and weakness relative to a presumed pre-morbid standard (The Psychological Corporation, 2002). Therefore, neuropsychologists need to balance the risks and benefits of using within-group norms, and use them with a full understanding of their implications and the situations in which they are most appropriate (p. 51).

The following select quotes from professional neuropsychological publications also make it clear that the neuropsychological professional jury is still “out” regarding the methodology and appropriate application of demographically adjusted NPTS scores (emphasis added via underline or bold font).


Clinical neuropsychologists are always starving for good normative data for established neuropsychological measures. Unfortunately, too many studies (and even manuals) contain too few subjects and/or their samples are not representative of the target population on important demographic variables, especially age and education. This was the problem that Heaton, Grant, and Matthews attempted to address with Comprehensive Norms for an Expanded Halstead Reitan Battery (1991). This practical product arose as a direct result of the authors’ 1986 chapter in an edited book (Heaton, Grant, & Matthews, 1986). The project represents a substantial effort on the part of the authors, and it has many commendable qualities. However, the merits are accompanied by significant shortcomings  (p. 444).

Our own informal inquiries have indicated that many of the scientist-practitioners in clinical neuropsychology have embraced this book in an uncritical manner. The strong and unreflective nature of such acceptance of these norms tells us how good an idea this kind of normative project is, in the abstract. Unfortunately, this particular product does not contribute as much as our expectations might lead us to anticipate. The format and marketing are so convincing that few would comb the introductory pages to analyze the test selection quirks and statistical/ design problems that abound (p.447).


While we agree that this initial attempt at providing demographic corrections for several commonly used tests could have been more statistically sophisticated, and possibly could have been more user friendly, the evidence seems to indicate that the norms do have significant advantages for neuropsychological clinical work and research (p. 457).


It is generally understood that demographically corrected normative standards are based upon performances of adults who have developed normally, have typical, mainstream educational backgrounds, and have no known history of brain injury or disease. It follows logically from this that such norms should be used with great caution, if at all, to identify acquired brain dysfunction in patients who have developmental disorders or other-than-mainstream educational backgrounds (e.g., special education). For example, it would be inappropriate to “adjust” a mentally retarded person’s IQ upward because of a low education level, thereby potentially depriving him/her of social services or mitigating considerations in criminal prosecution.

As we have noted, demographically corrected norms are used primarily to identify the presence and nature of neurobehavioral changes due to known or possible brain insult (injury or disease). Such norms are generally not the best choice for characterizing the individual’s absolute level of functioning, or functioning in relation to the general population of normal adults (Heaton & Pendleton, 1981) (p. 147).


Heaton, Grant, and Matthews (1991) published procedures for adjusting raw scores on various neuropsychological tests according to the individual's age and education. Despite rather widespread use of these score conversions in both clinical work and research publications, there have been very few investigations to evaluate the accuracy or limitations of these score transformations (p. 181).

Inasmuch as the HGM method brings about its greatest corrections among persons whose scores are more likely to be affected by brain impairment, a question must be raised concerning exactly what the HGM transformations are accomplishing. It might seem, at least in part, that the corrections are, in fact, correcting for subtle impairment of brain functions in less-educated and older persons—the very condition that neuropsychological tests were developed to detect (p. 188).

           
Concluding Comments

Demographically adjusted (e.g., Heaton norms) scores are 100% inconsistent with determination of a person’s general level of intellectual functioning as per the first prong of the diagnosis of MR/ID.  Demographically adjusted IQ scores, in particular, should not play a critical role when determining if a person has a deficit in general intellectual functioning.  Furthermore, interpretation of demographically adjusted NPST test scores (e.g., Halstead Category Test) to provide convergent validity evidence regarding a person’s level of general intelligence is not appropriate in the context of MR/ID diagnosis.


  
American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities.  (2010). Intellectual disability:  Definition, classification, and systems of supports—11th Edition. Washington, DC:  Author.

Fastenau, P. S. & Adams, K. M. (1996).  Book review: Heaton, Grant, and Matthews' Comprehensive Norms: An Overzealous Attempt. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 18 (3), 444-448.

Heaton, R. K., Ryan, L., & Grant, I. (2009).  Demographic influences and use of demographically corrected norms in neuropsychological assessment. In Igor Grant and Kenneth M. Adams (Eds), Neuropsychological Assessment of Neuropsychiatric and Neuromedical Disorders, Oxford University Press US.

Lange, R. T., Chelune, G. J., Taylor, M. J., Woodward, T. S., & Heaton, R. K. (2006).  Development of demographic norms for four new WAIS-III/WMS-III indexes. Psychological Assessment, 18 (2), 174 181.

 

Romero, H. R., Lageman, S. K., Kamath, V., Irani, F., Sim, A., Suarez, P., Manly, J. J., Attix, D. K., & the Summit participants (2009). Challenges in the neuropsychological assessment of ethnic minorities: Summit Proceedings. The Clinical Neuropsychologist, 23, 761-779.


Russell, E. W. (2005). Norming subjects for the Halstead Reitan battery. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 20, 479-484.

Sattler, J. (2001). Assessment of Children:  Cognitive Applications—4th Edition.  San Diego, CA:  Jerome M. Sattler, Publisher, Inc.

Sherrill-Pattison, S., Donders, J., & Thompson, E. (2000). Influence of demographic variables on neuropsychological test performance after traumatic brain injury. The Clinical Neuropsychologist, 14 (4), 496-503.

Silverberg, N., & Millis, S. (2009).  Impairment versus deficiency in neuropsychological assessment: Implications for ecological validity.  Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society (2009), 15, 94–102.

Strauss, E., Sherman, E. M. S., & Spreen, O. (2006). A Compendium of Neuropsychological Tests: Administration, Norms, and Competency – 3rd Edition. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Titus, J. B., Retzlaff, P. D., & Dean, R. S. (2002). Predicting scores of the Halstead Category Test with the WAIS-III. International Journal of Neuroscience, 112, 1099-1114.

Yantz, C. L., Gavett, B. E., Lynch, J. K., & McCaffrey, R. J. (2006). Potential for the interpretation disparities of Halstead-Reitan neuropsychological battery performances in a litigating sample. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 21, 809-817.


[1] The term “pluralistic norms” refers to the same concept as demographically adjusted norms and was the terminology used in the 1970’s when procedures for adjusting IQ scores for minority children based on race and socio-economic status were attempted.  Although using a different approach, the theory behind adjusting IQ scores is conceptually similar to that inherent in demographically adjusted norms.
[2] It is important to note that this quote is from the primary author of the Heaton norms. This statement indicates that the author of the Heaton norms views them as useful in “clinical” and “research” settings, which I interpret to not cover high stakes forensic diagnostic purposes such as Atkins cases.

Sunday, March 27, 2011

IAP Applied Psychometrics 101 Report #10: "Just say no" to averaging IQ subtest scores

Should psychologists engage in the practice of calculating simple arithmetic averages of two or more scaled or standard scores from different subtests (pseudo-composites) within or across different IQ batteries? Dr. Joel Schneider and I, Dr. Kevin McGrew say "no."

Do psychologists who include simple pseudo-composite scores in their reports, or make interpretations and recommendations based on such scores, have a professional responsibility to alert recipients of psychological reports (e.g., lawyers, the courts, parents, special education staff, other mental health practitioners, etc.) of the potential amount of error in their statements when simple pseudo-composite scores are the foundation of some of their statements? We believe "yes."

Simple pseudo-composite scores, in contrast to norm-based scores (i.e., composite scores with norms provided by test publishers/authors--e.g., Wechsler Verbal Comprehension Index), contain significant sources of error. Although they have intuitive appeal, this appeal cloaks hidden sources of error in the scores---with the amount of error being a function of a combination of psychometric variables.

IAP Applied Psychometrics 101 Report #10 addresses the psychometric issues involved in pseudo-composite scores.

In the report we offer recommendations and resources that allow users to calculate psychometrically sound pseudo-composites when they are deemed important and relevant to the interpretation of a person's assessment results.

Finally, understanding the sources of error in simple pseudo-composite scores provides an opportunity for practitioners to understand the paradoxical phenomenon frequently observed in practice where norm-based or psychometrically sound pseudo-composite scores are often higher (or lower) than the subtest scores that comprise the composite. The "total does not equal the average of the parts" phenomenon is explained conceptually, statistically, and via an interesting visual explanation based on trigonometry.



Abstract

The publishers and authors of intelligence test batteries provide norm-based composite scores based on two or more individual subtests. In practice, clinicians frequently form hypotheses based on combinations of tests for which norm-based composite scores are not available. In addition, with the emergence of Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) theory as the consensus psychometric theory of intelligence, clinicians are now more frequently “crossing batteries” to form composites intended to represent broad or narrow CHC abilities. Beyond simple “eye-balling” of groups of subtests, clinicians at times compute the arithmetic average of subtest scaled or standard scores (pseudo-composites). This practice suffers from serious psychometric flaws and can lead to incorrect diagnoses and decisions. The problems with pseudo-composite scores are explained and recommendations made for the proper calculation of special composite scores.


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Thursday, December 2, 2010

IQ test battery publication timeline: Atkins MR/ID Flynn Effect cheat sheet

As I've become involved in consulting on Atkins MR/ID death penalty cases, a frequent topic raised is that of norm obsolescence (aka, the Flynn Effect). When talking with others I often have trouble spitting out the exact date of publication of the various revisions of tests, as I keep track of more than just the Wechsler batteries (which are the primary IQ tests in Atkins reports). I often wonder if others question my expertise...but most don't realize that there are more IQ batteries out there than just the Wechsler adult battery....and, in particular, a large number of child normed batteries and other batteries spanning childhood and adulthood. Thus, I decided to put together a cheat sheet for myself..one that I could print and have in my files. I put it together in the form of a simple IQ battery publication timeline. Below is an image of the figure. Double click on it to enlarge.

An important point to understand is that when serious discussions start focusing on the Flynn effect in trial's, most often the test publication date is NOT used in the calculation of how obsolete a set of test norms are. Instead, the best estimate of the year the test was normed/standardized is used, which is not included in this figure (you will need to locate this information). For example, the WAIS-R was published in 1981...but the manual states that the norming occurred from May 1976 to May 1980. Thus, in most Flynn effect discussions in court cases, the date of 1978 (middle of the norming period) is typically used. This makes recall of this information difficult for experts who track all the major individually administered IQ batteries.

Hope this helpful...if nothing else...you must admit that it is pretty :)  Click on image to view.






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Wednesday, June 30, 2010

The Flynn Effect report series: Is the Flynn Effect a Scientifically Accepted Fact? IAP AP101 Report #7




Another new IAP Applied Psychometrics 101 report (#7) is now available.  The report is the second in the Flynn Effect series, a series of brief reports that will define, explain and discuss the validity of the Flynn Effect (click here to access all prior FE related posts at the ICDP blog) and the issues surrounding the application of a FE "adjustment" for scores based on tests with date norms (norm obsolescence), particularly in the context of Atkins MR/ID capital punishment cases.  The abstract for the brief report is presented below.  The report can be accessed by clicking here.

Report # 1 (What is the Flynn Effect) can be found by clicking here.

This report is the second in a series of brief reports the will define, explain, and summarize the scholarly consensus regarding the validity of the Flynn Effect (FE). This brief report presents a summary of the majority of FE research (in tabular form of n=113 publications) which indicates (via a simple “vote tally” method) that despite no consensus regarding the possible causes of the FE, it is overwhelming recognized as a fact by the scientific community. The series will conclude with an evaluation of the question whether a professional consensus has emerged regarding the practice of adjusting dated IQ test scores for the Flynn Effect, an issue of increasing debate in Atkins MR/ID capital punishment hearings.

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Tuesday, June 29, 2010

The Flynn Effect report series: What is the Flynn Effect: IAP AP101 Report #6

A new IAP Applied Psychometrics 101 report (#6) is now available.  The report is the first in the Flynn Effect series, a series of brief reports that will define, explain and discuss the validity of the Flynn Effect (click here to access all prior FE related posts at the ICDP blog) and the issues surrounding the application of a FE "adjustment" for scores based on tests with date norms (norm obsolescence), particularly in the context of Atkins MR/ID capital punishment cases.  The abstract for the brief report is presented below.  The report can be accessed by clicking here.
Norm obsolescence is recognized in the intelligence testing literature as a potential source of error in global IQ scores.  Psychological standards and assessment books recommend that assessment professionals use tests with the most current norms to minimize the possibility of norm obsolescence spuriously raising an individual’s measured IQ.  This phenomenon is typically referred to as the Flynn Effect.  This report is the first in a series of brief reports the will define, explain, and summarize the scholarly consensus regarding the validity of the Flynn Effect.  The series will conclude with an evaluation of the question whether a professional consensus has emerged regarding the practice of adjusting dated IQ test scores for the Flynn Effect, an issue of increasing debate in Atkins MR/ID capital punishment hearings.

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Tuesday, May 4, 2010

MUST READ: Atkins best practice and standard recommendations (McVaugh & Cunningham, 2009)

I've been toying with the idea of jotting down a list of suggested "best practice" recommendations and suggested professional standards based on the mass of literature that I've been reading since starting the ICDP blog.  Every time I think I should start, I have been paralyzed by the sheer scope of the task....reading and taking notes from all relevant literature sources would take massive time...and I have no grad. assistants or employees.  I was thus thrilled when the following article arrived in my email inbox today.

Although I may not agree 100% with everything these authors state, I must say that with regard to what I have read to date, this article is probably the best single and solid source on suggested best practice and professional standard recommendations for the assessment and Dx of MR/ID in Atkins cases.  The authors present 20 different recommended guidelines covering a large number of the critical issues in assessment and DX of MR/ID in a legal context (e.g., practice effects, SEM, Flynn Effect, retrospective assessment of AB, adaptive behavior domains, different state statutes, etc.). 

This is a MUST read for all mental health professionals and folks in the legal profession who are involved in Atkins cases.  I think this document could serve as a foundational starting point for any group working on the development of standards and practice recommendations in Atkins MR/ID cases.

Kudos to the authors for the excellent work.  I plan to reread numerous times, and may add "my variations on a theme" to some of the specific guidelines (when time permits).

MacVaugh, G. & Cunningham, M. (2009).  Atkins v. Virginia: Implications and recommendations for forensic practice. The Journal of Psychiatry the Law, 37, 131-187 (click here to view)

Abstract

In 2002, the United States Supreme Court held in the landmark case of Atkins v. Virginia that the execution of individuals who have mental retardation is unconstitutional. Following the Atkins holding, courts in death penalty jurisdictions have relied heavily upon mental health professionals in making a determination of whether or not capital offenders have mental retardation. The determination of mental retardation in death penalty cases, however, presents complex challenges for both courts and mental health professionals. In addition, there is variability in how death penalty states define mental retardation and in the assessment methods used by mental health professionals to diagnose mental retardation in such cases. The purpose of this article is to (a) describe how statutes in death penalty jurisdictions have operationalized the various clinical definitions of mental retardation, (b) discuss issues confronting examiners in assessing and diagnosing mental retardation in Atkins cases, and (c) provide recommendations for forensic practice.

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Friday, November 20, 2009

Malingering in Atkins MR/ID DP cases: State-of-the art, malinger by proxy, and voodoo psychometrics

A quick reading of a small sample of Atkins MR/ID death penalty court decisions makes it clear that the issue of malingering is often a critical component of expert testimony.

The APA Dictionary of Psychology defines malingering as:
the deliberate feigning of an illness or disability to achieve a particular desired outcome (e.g., financial gain or escaping responsibility, punishment, impresonment, or military duty) (p.551)
    
I am not an expert on the state-of-the-art of the psychometric integrity of various malingering measures used to purportedly detect defendant malingering.  Clearly in capital punishment cases there is the possibility of a strong motivation to score low on IQ tests or standardized measures of adaptive behavior -- lower scores may make the difference between execution or life in prison without parole. Not being an expert in this area of forensic assessment, I'm going to try provide information from high quality sources re: the state-of-the art of malingering assessment.  Also, when appropriate, I will point out situations of inappropriate (unethical?) malingering assessment methods when they are obvious.  This current post contains a sampling of interesting malingering issues, research, and an example of inappropriate malingering assessment.  Click here for prior posts re: malingering issues, research and references.

What does the research say about malingering assessment in the context of intellectual disability determination?

I've found the scholarly work of Salekin and Doane to be of particular value in providing an evaluation of the research in this area. Below are two recent journal articles by Salekin and Doane.  I believe the abstracts/summaries speak for themselves.

Doane, B., & Salekin, K. L. (2009). Susceptibility of current adaptive behavior measures to feigned deficits. Law and Human Behavior, 33, 329-343.

Abstract
The current study examined the susceptibility of the Adaptive Behavior Assessment System—2nd edition (ABAS-II; Harrison & Oakland, 2003) and the Scales of Independent Behavior—Revised (S1B-R; Bruininks, Woodcock, Weatherman, & Hill, 1996) to the feigning of adaptive functioning deficits. Using four different instruction sets, the authors evaluated whether the provision of diagnostic information (a form of coaching) improved participants’ ability to simulate adaptive deficits commensurate with a diagnosis of mental retardation. The authors found that the ABAS-II was quite vulnerable to believable manipulation by raters, while the SIB-R was not. In fact, exaggeration on the SIB-R was easily detected regardless of the information provided. Implications regarding the use of these measures in Atkins mental retardation evaluations are discussed.

Salekin, K. L., & Doane, B. (2009). Malingering intellectual disability: The value of available measures and methods. Applied Neuropsychology, 16, 105-113.

Abstract
Atkins v. Virginia (2002) is a case that has changed the landscape in relation to the assessment of malingering in a legal context. This landmark decision abolished the death penalty for defendants found to have intellectual disability (ID; formally known as mental retardation), but limitations in our assessment techniques lead to questions regarding the veracity of ID claims. In fact, Justice Scalia noted with clarity that concerns exist regarding the ability of individuals to feign ID and to do so successfully. At the time of writing, little empirical research has been completed, but that which exists demonstrates an overall lack of validity for traditional measures of cognitive malingering for use with this population. This manuscript provides an overview of the utility of many of the traditional measures of malingering for use with an ID population and serves as a call for research in this very important area.
Summary
In closing, review of the research in the assessment of malingered ID demonstrates that effort tests and indices of cognitive malingering are not working with this population, and that true cases can be misidentified as malingered. Some would say that the inclusion of multiple measures of malingering and the interpretation of all of the data together, rather than tests in isolation, provide control for diagnostic error. But to date, we have no data to suggest that either of these techniques is protective and more importantly, we have no data on how a juror or a judge might be impacted by even the slightest mention of malingering. Though untested, these authors posit that it is very unlikely that a defense expert will succeed in supporting an Atkins claim if there is even a hint that malingering may have occurred.


Another interesting topic is malingering resulting from examiner bias.  I find the concept of "malingering by proxy" very interesting.  Below is a discussion of this phenomenon as described by Schlesinger:

Schlesinger, L. B. (2003).  A case study involving competency to stand trial:  Incompetent defendant, incompetent examiner, or "malingering by proxy" ? Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 9 (3/4), 381-399.
The most blatant kind of examiner bias, however, is seen mostly in forensic cases: the deliberate, conscious intent to distort or misrepresent findings for partisan purposes. This sort of conduct is a breach of professional ethics (Committee on Ethical Guidelines for Forensic Psychologists, 1991), unlike the involuntary forms of bias resulting from patient attributes.
There is yet another variety of examiner bias that is not an automatic act of impaired judgment arising from patient demographics, nor is it an intentional falsification of results. Here, the forensic psychologist finds in the defendant (nonexistent) signs, symptoms, or disorders that were initially suggested by the referring attorney. External incentives (such as economic gain) are typically absent. The effect, which could be called “malingering by proxy,” derives from the forceful opinions of the legal advocate, which can be quite contagious. My impression is that this form of examiner bias is not an uncommon occurrence in forensic work, where the structure of relationships leaves the clinician particularly vulnerable to such (nonconscious) infection.
The genesis of this form of examiner bias begins when the clinician is first approached about the case. Most forensic referrals come from a lawyer who attempts to recruit the consultant for the defense or the prosecution team. For instance, an attorney might call and say:
  • Hello Dr. Z; I was referred to you by a psychiatrist, Dr. Y. She told me you had worked with her on many cases. Your colleague regards you highly and said you are one of the top forensic psychologists in the area. I’d like to retain your services for help with a client I represent. Dr. Y. saw my client yesterday and thought he was mentally retarded. My law partner and I just came back from the county jail, and he seemed retarded to the both of us. We all think he is incompetent to stand trial. Can I count on you to be part of the defense team? By the way, don’t worry about your fee; my client’s family is very supportive of him, and they’ll be sure to pay you promptly.
After an introduction like this, some consultants may find it difficult to disregard the flattery or to challenge members of a “team” they are about to join. However, if forensic psychologists are not careful at this point, they could succumb to a form of examiner bias that could jeopardize the entire evaluation before they have even met the defendant.

Junk science malingering assessment--from actual cases

In two recent Atkins court decisions in the state of Oklahoma (see Salazar, 2005 and Lambert, 2005), the states prosecution psychologist (Dr. Prosecution Psychologist - Dr. PP) testified re: malingering based, in part, on non-normed, non-standardized malingering measures that Dr. PP had developed himself, and one which he named after his secretary (in an attempt to mask the purpose of the test to the defendant).  The two "instruments" in question were the non-standardized Blackwell Memory Test and the Oklahoma Spelling Test.  Apparently the Blackwell Memory test was modelsx after other formal instruments that use a "forced choice symptom validity" test format.   Similar to prior voodoo psychometric activities commented on at this blog, I'm dumb founded that a professional psychologist testifying in an Atkins hearing, or any other clinical or forensic setting, would attempt to assess a psychological construct (viz., malingering) via the development of their own special instrument that did not undergo the professional accepted and required test development procedures (as clearly spelled out the the Joint Test Standards).  This activity clearly violates a number of professional standards. Below are at least two (and I'm sure there are more when one examines all relevant professional codes of ethics/standards) from the Joint Test Standards:
Standard 1.4:  If a test is used in a way that has not been validated, it is incumbent on the user to justify the new use, collecting new evidence if necessary

Standard 11.2.  When a test is to be used for a purpose for which little or no documentation is available, the user is responsible for obtaining evidence of the test's validity and reliability for this purpose
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Unbelievable.

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